Stone v. Powell and the Exclusionary Rule

Habeas corpus[1] – Latin for “you have the body” – is an important right for convicted prisoners. It allows for a review of the detainment of the individual who asserts that they are wrongfully detained. After the trial and appeals process, it is the method to ensure that the judges that oversaw the trial abided by the proper rules and that due process was afforded the convicted during the trial process, or to have the prisoner released before trial or conviction. While the “Great Writ” has had some changes to weaken it over the years with judicial interpretation and further legislation, it is still seen as a powerful tool to ensure judicial and police adherence to the Constitution and due process rights.

In Mapp v. Ohio,[2] a SCOTUS case decided in 1961, it was determined that evidence that was obtained in contravention of the 4th amendment must not be entered at trial against an accused in a state court. Previously the exclusionary rule had been in place in federal courts but not in state courts, leading to a disparity in the treatment of accused people depending on the court system in which they found themselves. The exclusionary rule is an important safeguard against police abuse and is meant to keep the 4th amendment intact. After all, if there was nothing stopping prosecutors from using evidence illegally obtained by police officers there would be little incentive to search within the bounds of the law.

Not only does this protect the privacy and freedom of individuals, it also protects people from prosecution for the myriad of things that can go wrong every day. If your driver’s license is expired, that’s a problem. If you are carrying a joint on your way to a friend’s house, that’s an arrest that could prevent you from ever getting a job again. If you are arrested for something and the charges are never filed or eventually dropped, the record of arrest can still go on your record, stopping most security clearances and potentially stopping other activities. For example, when you go to law school you are required to detail any experiences or encounters with the police as they can affect your ability to pass the character and fitness section of the bar exam, even if nothing ended up happening from it. If a friend dropped a joint in your car and the police illegally search it you could lose your job and be inapplicable for federal financial aid for school in addition to difficulty in securing another job. An arrest for “cocaine” which ended up being protein powder for your lunch could haunt you for years after the fact, all due to an illegal search. It is in the interests of everyone to keep the cops operating within the bounds of the law.

This exclusionary rule keeps the police from doing many things that otherwise would occur. For example, a dragnet approach that searched homes, vehicles, or people is illegal, but if it was admissible in court officers might be tempted to use that approach. If no evidence of wrongdoing was found the person searched could not sue on the grounds of hassle, breach of privacy, or property destroyed in the search. The first two would be deemed to be no real harm to the individual and the last would be seen as a consequence of the exercise of police authority. Nominal damages of $1 for a recognized trespass are generally awarded in civil suits of this nature, and the costs of securing that $1 are not enough of an impediment or deterrent to keep police from searching anyone or anyplace. Further, qualified immunity protects police officers from being punished for illegal behavior as long as no reasonable police officer would think that it was illegal.[3] Qualified immunity only allows suits to go forward when an official violates a “’clearly established’ statutory or constitutional right.”[4] Disallowing the admission of illegally obtained evidence, however, keeps police from committing egregious breaches of privacy as even if they found evidence it could not be admitted. Illegal searches would be purposeless as long as the evidence is excluded as fruit of a “poisonous tree.”

At trial an accused can object to the evidence admitted against them as the product of an illegal search. (This is a case which exemplifies the necessity of an engaged defense attorney.) If the trial court makes an error and admits the illegally obtained evidence it can be appealed after judgment but that can pose its own problems. 21 states do not allow state-provided representation at the appellate level for non-capital cases, and 14 more allow state-provided representation for capital cases only.[5] This leaves 7 states without a right to representation in any event (Alabama, Georgia, Massachusetts, Michigan, Nebraska, New Hampshire, and New York).[6] Four of those states (Alabama, Georgia, Nebraska, and New Hampshire) are states with the death penalty,[7] meaning that if a mistake was made at the trial level, the person would have to go up against state prosecutors pro se – alone and unguided – unless they could afford the cost themselves. Most cannot. And when a life is at stake certainty of guilt should definitely – ethically – be the most important issue.

Like much appellate work, most Habeas Corpus writs are filed pro se as well. They are subject to strict limits on timing (e.g., four years on a non-capital felony in the Georgia state)[8] and require that any and all claims must be brought up in the first Habeas Corpus petition.[9] If the petitioner failed to include all possible claims, even if it is unintentional omission based on a reasonable lack of knowledge, it can’t be amended later and is summarily dismissed without evaluation on the merits.

Habeas Corpus is the last line of defense against police indiscretion. Stone v. Powell, decided in 1976, forbid federal review of 4th amendment claims in Habeas Corpus as long as the petitioner had an opportunity to raise the matter in state courts.[10] This is almost universally the case as when evidence is introduced the defendant has the opportunity to object. But if the defendant is going pro se or has a less-than-attentive defense attorney an objection will not likely be made and illegally obtained evidence will be used against the defendant. At an appeal, the issue will likely be dismissed as “waived” at the trial level by lack of objection. Stove v. Powell did not overturn Mapp v. Ohio in that illegally obtained evidence was still not allowed at trial level, but it also reduced the remedies for those who were wronged by that introduction. Guilt or innocence, Habeas Corpus petitions on that issue would not be heard, so they would not be further reviewed for impropriety.

The majority’s opinion in Stone viewed the benefits of the exclusionary rule – deterrent from police wrongdoing – were no longer helpful at the level of a habeas review.[11] By then, the argument goes, the detained is so far from trial that no deterrent would even register for the police officers in question. Other cases regarding trial rights, such as the right to have an attorney present during a police interrogation while the detained is in transit[12] and Miranda rights violations[13] came up shortly after Stone and SCOTUS attempted (thankfully unsuccessfully) to extend the reasoning in Stone to these subsequent cases. These cases were, however, based on Constitutional rights and not “judicially-created remedies” such as the exclusionary rule.[14]

Habeas Corpus review can also reveal other trial irregularities: the withholding of exculpatory evidence from the defendant, manufacturing of false evidence, and perjured police testimony.[15] As these issues do not go to the guilt or innocence of the petitioner but rather are trial irregularities (even though grave ones) the same reasoning in Stone can easily be extended to support the dismissal of Habeas claims based around them. In Mapp v. Ohio the exclusionary rule was described as an “essential part of the right to privacy” guaranteed by 14th amendment due process, as necessary to prevent evidence that is “tantamount to coerced testimony, and to protect judicial integrity.[16] So clearly the deterrent effect was not the only reason to exclude evidence wrongfully obtained, but it was the only one mentioned in the Stone decision.

Our system of laws should uphold the constitution, not provide ammunition for those who would just get rid of anyone who could possibly be seen as a criminal risk in the interests of making the criminal system go faster. Imagine yourself as someone wrongly accused – would you want the full benefit of the law, or is “good enough” really good enough?

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Police Officer Threatens to Kill Ferguson Protestors

Lt. Ray Albers, police officer from St. Ann, Missouri who was in Ferguson to help handle the protestors has been suspended. He pointed his gun at protestors and threatened to kill them. When asked his name, his response was “Go Fuck Yourself.” CNN staffers report seeing similar death threats from officers towards protestors that have not been caught on tape. Capt. Ronald S. Johnson confirmed that there had been complaints about officers and “inappropriate behavior” on the part of the officers. He said that he has taken “appropriate action.”

This follows and incident on Sunday in which a police officer told a reporter from Argus radio to “Get the fuck out of here or you’re getting shot with this.” The peacekeeping police forces have threatened members of the media with shooting and in some instances attacked with mace and tear gas for days. Some media members are asked for identification when taking pictures.

The number of civil rights abuses in Ferguson is terrible. Bloggers and other non-mainstream media have been targeted and harassed by police officers on many occasions. While threatening and attacking mainstream reporters is not any more illegal  or disheartening, it is an indication of the lengths police officers will go to prevent the dissemination of information. Leaders of police departments will say that officers threatening the media is unacceptable, but the individual officers are human beings in a position of power and not always thinking of the ramifications of their behavior. In contrast, Harrison William Rund, a Missouri man who threatened to kill police on his Twitter account was arrested and charged with “felony terroristic threats.”

The Equal Protection Clause of the 14th amendment states that no person can be denied “equal protection of the laws.” This means that similarly situated individuals should be treated the same under the law. If death threats are “felony terroristic threats” then the police officers who issue them should be arrested for them, or alternatively the punishment should be removal from positions where the threatener can take action on the threats. That one individual gets one treatment while another individual gets the other is not equal application of the laws.

Those claiming a violation of the Equal Protection clause have to prove an intent to discriminate. In this case, the prosecuting district attorney would have to be proven to have intended to favor police officers over non-police officers when making charging decisions. A defendant must prove that “(1) ‘that he has been deliberately singled out for prosecution on the basis of some invidious criterion’; and (2) that ‘the prosecution would not have been pursued except for the discriminatory design of the prosecuting authorities.'”  In these cases, the “invidious criterion” would be singling people out on the basis of not being a police officer.

Unfortunately it would be difficult to find an individual whom a court would determine has standing. Usually in equal protection cases people argue either that they were discrimatorily prosecuted (the harm) due to their status as a member of the group or that the pattern of discriminatory charging has increased the individual’s likelihood of harm as a member of that group. Anyone accused of, say, making felony terroristic threats could argue that their membership in the “non-police officer” group influenced the charging decision. The public could also file a suit based on the increased likelihood of harm. The determination of standing would hinge on whether the judge thought that those group memberships were valid and that the police officers were “similarly situated.” A counterargument could be made that someone sitting at home making threats on Twitter is in a less stressful situation than a police officer making the same threats in person, so therefore they are not “similarly situated.”

Hopefully those making charging decisions will begin to apply the laws evenly. A help would be a statute that gave individuals standing to sue for judicial consideration the failure to prosecute police who have committed criminal acts and a requirement that their treatment be considered against the treatment of non-police officers in the same locality. While I don’t consider either possibility likely, it is nice to think of a future where police are treated the same as any member of the public, and the police don’t threaten to kill members of the public, especially reporters who are acting on their right to “freedom of the press.”

Another Man Killed by Police Near Ferguson

An unidentified 23 year old man was killed by two cops last night. He had stolen two sodas from a convenience store and may have had a knife. The police officers each shot him several times. The police chief further angered people by saying that officer safety is the number one issue, while questions remain as to whether a fatal shooting was the best approach with a person with a knife at a distance.

The Missouri National Guard is now in place, and the police ordered the media to leave. President Obama had announced in his press conference yesterday: “Let me also be clear that our constitutional rights to speak freely, to assemble, and to report in the press must be vigilantly safeguarded: especially in moments like these. There’s no excuse for excessive force by police or any action that denies people the right to protest peacefully.”

Of the 78 people arrested last night in the Ferguson protests, all but three were arrested for failure to disperse.

Unconstitutional Acts of the President

While President Bush Jr. was in office I was aware of many unconstitutional things that his administration was involved in. Obama isn’t any better. If anything this administration is worse because we have been primed for our government to do anything without regard for laws or rules. A few come to mind immediately.

The Affordable Care Act, or Obamacare, was/is being implemented in a hodgepodge fashion. One rule, set to begin enforcement in 2014, was that employers with more than 50 full-time employees had to provide qualifying health insurance to their employees or pay a fine. The presidential administration delayed enforcement of that rule by one year. That might not seem like much, but that was one of 27 tweaks made to the ACA. These were made by the executive branch alone, without legislative authority. This is not permissible. The role of the executive is to carry out faithfully the laws passed by the legislative branch. While the executive is granted some leeway in the manner of execution, the execution itself is not to be dispensed with. The president was announcing decisions to ignore the laws or change the way the laws were executed for political expediency.

In January, 2012, the President made appointments to the National Labor Relations Board. The problem here is that they were “recess appointments” made while Congress was not in recess. Congress has always been able to make its own determinations about when it is and is not in recess, and at the time it was holding sessions every three days for the express purpose of preventing these recess appointments. Recess appointments were, traditionally, an allowance made for when Congress had to take long recesses due to the time it took to travel. When a vacancy occurred during a recess and a president did not have an opportunity to consult Congress, the president was permitted to make a recess appointment. In recent years it has not been as strict and presidents have made recess appointments for vacancies that occurred while Congress was in session. Forbes has a good analysis of the different arguments used to support the recess appointments and why each are inexcusable as applied. Obama suggested that the period between the every-third-day session was a mini-recess and made the appointments there, something the Supreme Court justices also seemed to find would destroy the recess appointments clause. NLRB v. Canning, a SCOTUS case heard this term but not yet decided, will decide the validity of the recess appointments. The appointments again demonstrate the administration’s willingness to dispense with constitutionality to further political expediency.

Finally, there’s the recent case of the Bergdahl prisoner swap. Sgt. Bergdahl has been held by the Taliban for a few years now. The Taliban agreed to a prisoner exchange – Bergdahl in exchange for five Taliban members held at Guantanamo Bay. In the National Defense Authorization Act of 2014, Congress must have 30 days prior notice of any prisoner transfer to another nation (section 1033(a)(1)). While the President argued that this was an unconstitutional limit on executive power and had made a signing statement to that effect, he had not let Congress know in advance at all. The President “putting Congress on notice” that he intended to act quickly if such a situation arose does not satisfy the law. Congress was very opposed to the trade, as the five Taliban men to be released were considered dangerous, the man to be returned was considered by many to be a deserter and traitor, and the “risks” that the President suggests the US would have been exposed to if the trade had not been completed in less than 30 days are not clear. Expediency, again, trumped the law for the President.

These are not everything, and this president is certainly not the only one to act unconstitutionally. But if we can’t trust our president to faithfully execute the laws of the United States, what good is the presidency? Impeachment seems the fitting solution here, as no other penalty would remove the unfaithful executive. Congress acts as if they are so offended by these indignities but I sadly doubt they would follow the proper course and impeach.