Why didn’t they prosecute Forest Machala?


Looking at the information about Forest Machala it’s my opinion that the prosecutor’s office isn’t trying to let anyone get away with anything but rather, they’re trying to make sure they have sufficient evidence to prosecute.

The evidence that they now have does not have any image of him actually firing a gun. Videos show him pointing it and putting it away, but not the shooting. Given the number of heavily armed people at that event it’s reasonable to assume that he wasn’t the only one taking out a gun to intimidate people, but this would not prove that he shot anyone. Further, him carrying bullets that are similar in color as most other bullets doesn’t really tend to prove anything. So with this there isn’t really anything that stands up to scrutiny identifying him as the shooter. Eyewitness testimony could definitely be admitted but there would be questions as to bias (that the non-MAGA protesters are likely to say that anyone in a MAGA hat is the shooter due to bias would definitely be brought up and is a compelling argument) and questions as to whether the eyewitnesses could positively identify the shooter would certainly be asked. A defense attorney would tear the credibility of eyewitnesses to shreds.

Another problem is that with the number of people wearing MAGA hats and carrying bullets who may be brandishing guns to intimidate it would be difficult to prove beyond a reasonable doubt that he was their guy. If there are, say, three people who were known to have brandished guns, wore MAGA hats, and carrying bullets, it is going to be almost impossible to prove that any one of them was the shooter. In that scenario even if we knew for certain that one of those three people was the shooter no one could get pinned for the shooting because there would be reasonable doubt as to which one actually did the shooting. They wouldn’t punish all three for it just because they know that it was one of them.

The evidence here just isn’t enough to prove beyond a reasonable doubt. It’s enough for an indictment but indictment is held to a “probable cause” standard, which is a low bar. It means that they have enough evidence to think that there’s a decent chance that he was the shooter. That’s very, very far from beyond a reasonable doubt. There is enough evidence to support probable cause, but there is likely enough evidence to support probable cause for a great number of people at that event because it is such a low bar. Further, evidence that is not admissible at a trial is allowed to be brought up during an indictment hearing (so evidence that couldn’t make it into trial could still be considered by the grand jury or judge) and only the prosecutor can present evidence; the defendant can’t raise defenses, admit their own evidence, question where the evidence came from, or any other thing in an indictment hearing.1

A defendant has to be indicted before charges can be brought but if no charges are brought after a period of time the defendant has to be released from custody and from bail as probable cause can only go so far. If you were indicted for something you didn’t do (and ostensibly we have a standard of innocent until proven guilty that may not hold up in regular cases but is particularly important in high-profile cases) you wouldn’t, I imagine, be content with being detained indefinitely while the prosecutor tries to drum up evidence. The time limit on the indictment works to prevent this.

Double jeopardy does not attach until surprisingly late in the process, once all the preliminary matters have been addressed and the trial itself is actually starting. Double jeopardy has not attached in this case. There is nothing stopping the prosecutor from seeking a new indictment at a later date and bringing charges then. There is no bar to prosecution here. Charges may still be brought as there is no double jeopardy and the statute of limitations on bringing a criminal prosecution has a long time to go. In Washington state there is a statute of limitations of 3 years for most felonies.2 The same law even provides that “before the end of a period of limitation . . . an indictment has been found . . . and the indictment has been set aside . . . then the period of limitation is extended by a period equal to the length of time from the finding . . . to the setting aside.” It is common enough for indictments to be set aside and charges brought later that the law provides guidance specifically for this situation. He has a while to go before he’s in the clear here.

If a prosecutor doesn’t want to bring charges the case is usually given no more attention and they move on to other things. Here, however, the prosecutor has kicked it back to the police to find more evidence. This is indicative of a prosecutor who wants to make sure they can actually secure a conviction, not of a prosecutor that wants the person to be off the hook. It will also give time for the police to find evidence of other related crimes such as conspiracy, bringing a firearm across state lines unlawfully, or any other related crime. If the prosecutor went ahead now they could probably get him on assault (which is defined as causing reasonable apprehension of immediate physical harm) but not battery, and any other related charges could not be brought either. When the prosecutor brings charges, all of the charges related to the incident at hand need to be brought as well. If the police later find evidence of conspiracy or other crimes the prosecutor can’t go back at that point and charge him with that crime and have another trial based on the same incident. This is a good thing. We hardly want a system where a prosecutor can repeatedly haul people to court for various and sundry crimes that may have been committed at the same time. So a prosecutor trying to make sure the prosecution is comprehensive would have very good reason to decline bringing charges until the matter has been thoroughly investigated. Remember, there are 3 years yet to go for bringing charges; the only time period that has lapsed is irrelevant as to whether charges can be brought later.

In a less high-profile case the prosecution would probably do what prosecutors nearly always do: bring a huge number of charges that would not be substantiated in court but scare the defendant into taking a plea bargain. With the scrutiny this case is getting that is unlikely to happen here. Prosecutors prefer that the only people who know about their corrupt and biased system are low-wage people without the ability to hire a lawyer.

So in conclusion I believe that the outrage over not bringing charges is based on a limited understanding of (1) the statute of limitations, (2) the very, very different standards of proof required for an indictment vs. a conviction, (3) when double jeopardy attaches, (4) the inability of prosecutors to bring defendants back for related crimes after the trial begins on one crime, and (5) the great significance of the prosecution kicking the case back to the police to find more evidence rather than just throwing it in the bin. Not bringing charges here is actually more likely to result in a conviction than bringing charges, considering the currently available evidence. A limited understanding of these things is not unreasonable; it’s not as if our criminal justice system makes it easy to figure out any of this without spending years in law school paying hundreds of thousands of dollars in tuition in a system designed to crush the rights of the lower and middle class. But as someone who has a visceral hatred of prosecutors, my analysis leads me to the conclusion that here they are actually doing it the way they’re supposed to.

1As a side note, with indictments so easy to get it is infuriating that cops are so rarely indicted. It basically shows that a prosecutor is not going into those indictment hearings with a good faith intention to bring all of the relevant evidence.

2Wash. Rev. Code § 9A.04.080 (2019); though there is a limitation of 2 years for crimes that are filmed for reasons that are beyond me.

Is Pennsylvania’s Stay at Home Order Legal?

Police powers – An outline created for a friend

Related federal law

  • This is considered a police power and is reserved to the states via the 10th amendment
    • At the heart of this issue as police powers are how these stay at home orders are passed
    • It’s regulating for the health, order, and general welfare of the people
    • This is how states are different with, say, cigarette taxes from one state to another, or how school districts get their money. Speeding tickets, all that stuff, that’s all covered under police powers
  • The 14th amendment incorporates the bill of rights into mandatory rights for national citizens (so everyone is covered by the bill of rights even if states don’t want to)
  • The federal government absolutely cannot compel states to pass legislation or abridge the rights of the states except for the ways put forth in the constitution
    • One way this is commonly avoided is the Commerce Clause, which courts have broadly interpreted to mean just about anything that could enter interstate commerce. Though obviously interstate commerce is affected by all of this, police powers have been so thoroughly and completely granted to the states that it would be pretty much unthinkable to do so now
    • A second way to avoid this is to bribe the states. Alcohol laws at set at 21 and speed limits are set according to the federal government because the feds won’t give the states infrastructure funding unless they pass those laws.
      • Limitation is that it can’t be “an offer you can’t refuse.”
    • So the federal government can offer incentives to states to open or close or whatever but ultimately the choice is in the states

 

State Law

Constitutional law

  • State constitutions are the law of the land in areas the federal government can’t or hasn’t tried to encroach upon. This includes the police power
  • Constitutional law will trump legislation, same as at the federal level
  • Pennsylvania has a somewhat unique system of townships that makes this analysis a bit more difficult for me but at least you aren’t Louisiana.

 

Statutory Law

  • Law that isn’t derived from the constitution. The laws that congress or other legislative bodies pass. Those statutes are put together in the Pennsylvania Code and is the controlling law barring a conflict with the state constitution or federal law (since we’re dealing with police powers I’m going to omit any discussion of federal law from this point on)
  • The SAH orders are based on Title 35, Chapter 73 of the PA Consolidated Statutes
    • The authority of the governor under this chapter:
      • Responsible for meeting dangers from disasters
      • “Governor may issue, amend and rescind executive orders, proclamations and regulations which shall have the force and effect of law.”
        • The governor can declare states of emergency whenever, but they can only last for 90 days unless they’re renewed. If the legislature disagrees that a state of emergency should be declared the General Assembly can terminate the state of emergency at any time.
        • The executive order declaring the state of emergency gets the disaster response going and triggers the local governments to start their relevant planned disaster responses
        • The governor gets to control state military forces (e.g., the National Guard) but should try to limit its use as much as possible
        • Various other powers are given that allow broad discretion to close things, restrict things (including movement), etc.
        • Can also “Suspend the provisions of any regulatory statute prescribing the procedures for conduct of Commonwealth business, or the orders, rules or regulations of any Commonwealth agency, if strict compliance with the provisions of any statute, order, rule or regulation would in any way prevent, hinder or delay necessary action in coping with the emergency.” Title 35, Chapter 73, 7301(f)(1)
      • Expanding analysis of Title 35, Chapter 73, 7301(f)(1)
        • There are other possible issues at hand here but this is the crux of what the protests have been about
        • This statute on its face seems fine and in keeping with the police powers of the state, the need for a central response, and a check on power via the legislative body
        • Lawsuits challenging this authority have been dismissed. The law itself is not at issue here in any rational way that I can discern. It’s the implementation that can be challenged
      • Objections to SAH order
        • Arbitrary, capricious, and vague
          • This isn’t a general criticism but a legal one.
            • Arbitrary laws are not valid. If a law was passed that banned pizza that law would be invalid because it was arbitrary and passed with no real reason.
            • Capricious laws are not valid. If a law is passed just because the legislature felt like passing it and had no real reason to, that’s invalid. Pretty much the same as above. Honestly I’m not sure there’s a difference except that “arbitrary, capricious, and vague” standard way of referring to laws that the person thinks is invalid. The phrase is seen a lot in court decisions as well.
            • Vague laws are not valid. If a law banned “large pizzas” that would be invalid. Would that mean pizzas labeled large? Pizzas over a certain size? Could you have pizzas that are huge so they are bigger than large pizzas? It’s so vague it’s meaningless and invalid.
          • There is a general presumption that a law is valid and it is pretty hard to win on that theory because of an assumption that the legislature is acting properly. If it was found that the combination of sauce, dough, and cheese taken together causes stomach tumors a law banning pizzas might make sense. Maybe it’s not the most effective way to do it, maybe it’s not the smartest, but unless you can show that the law was really written poorly it’s going to hold.
          • This is pretty much the only way to attack a statute itself, however.
        • Is it arbitrary/capricious?
          • There is a real purpose to the SAH order and the statute that allows it. It’s not just for the hell of it but for a solid reason. Just because you don’t agree with a law doesn’t make it arbitrary, either. It’s an objective standard, to the extent that anyone can be objective about anything. Is the law meant to deal with something that the legislature has a rational reason to address? If yes, it’s not arbitrary or capricious
          • It could, however, be arbitrary and capricious if it doesn’t address the issue in a way that makes sense.
        • Is it vague?
          • It says you have to stay at home except
            • To access, support or provide
              • life sustaining business
                • includes group or family child care providers in a residence
                • child care services with a waiver (and says where to get the waiver)
                • and part-day school age programs operating under an exemption from the March 19 business closure orders
              • emergency
              • government services
            • To take care of themselves, another person, or a pet
            • To go outside as long as you’re not gathering together and are using the CDC’s social distancing practices
            • It also incorporates a list of life sustaining businesses and exempted businesses
          • The list is very detailed. I would not say it is vague. From looking it over it also does not appear capricious or arbitrary, especially when you consider the deference given, the assumption that it’s valid unless it’s shown that it’s not
            • The list has been modified multiple times, but seemingly only to relax it and let more businesses open. If it was opening and closing businesses with each revision that would be pretty vague but if it’s just opening things up (and even if there are small number of open things that get closed) it’s decreasing it’s imposition instead of increasing it which undermines an attack on it
          • On its face it seems to be valid under PA law.
          • It also has checks by both branches.
            • The legislature hasn’t overruled it even though it easily could
            • The state Supreme Court said it was fine
              • The appeal to SCOTUS seems, frankly, ridiculous because as addressed above this is a police powers issue.
                • SCOTUS can only deal with questions of federal law. The issue is with state police powers. The argument can’t go from being pissed at state police powers and then morph into a different case to get to SCOTUS. The case is relying on an equal protection clause theory which boils down to that similarly situated people should be treated the same. This is often the line that’s used to get federal jurisdiction over cases that otherwise would be clearly a state issue. There’s just no appellate jurisdiction there, the lawyers must know this, and this can’t be anything other than showmanship or political circus

 

This was my analysis based on the news articles I read and what angry people were saying. I think the authority has been shown valid. Any challenge seems, to me, to have to drive at the execution of that order. So we get to the actual case at hand.

  • PA Supreme Court addressed the arguments in the actual suit filed
    • Unanimous decision of the court, except for one dissent that didn’t think the court had the jurisdiction to hear the case but otherwise agreed with the opinion
    • That the order has violates equal protection because of a political campaign
      • Apparently Danny DeVito is running for office and his campaign office has been shut down. His opponent, a member of the State House of Representatives, has been able to keep her office so that’s not fair and isn’t treating them equally
      • The court said that to act like a campaign office is the same as a government office is pretty disingenuous
    • That keeping businesses closed is a taking
      • The theory there is kind of like eminent domain in a way; it’s the government taking your stuff and just like you have to be paid market rate for property taken inappropriately the complaint here is that their businesses are losing money over the closures, and since the government ordered the closures, that this is taking their stuff without compensation.
      • In order for the takings prohibition to apply the government action must make the property unviable (like if you bought a wilderness parcel for logging, and the government banned logging there, and there’s no other use for the property, that’s a taking)
        • And one of the places was even doing take-out food at a restaurant so this argument certainly doesn’t apply to them
      • Pennsylvania law has established that police power actions are not the same as eminent domain and so do not constitute a taking
      • The closures are not taking all economic value, they still have their property and once this is over they’ll retain ownership so there is no legal taking in a temporary situation
    • That the order has no statutory authority
      • We’ve already covered that above
    • That the pandemic is not a natural disaster as defined by the emergency code and so they’re not in a disaster area so closing businesses violates statutory law
      • That’s really dumb.
      • All of PA is a disaster area with this going on
    • That the public’s interests are not served by the closures, that closing them before they actually find coronavirus there is too early, and that closures were unduly burdensome
      • “Under the exigencies created by the spread of the coronavirus and the critical interests of the public, generally, [they] cannot prevail.”
      • Maybe people could argue about whether this was the best way or perfect way or insufficient way to do this, the power here rests in the executive and the order isn’t ridiculous or anything so it stands (that presumption that a law/order is valid until proven otherwise)
    • That the executive order violates the separation of powers
      • So if one branch is doing something that is in the territory of another branch, that is unconstitutional. No executives legislating via executive order, for example, because that’s the legislature’s job and the powers need to be separate
      • Really invalid argument because the code explicitly says that this is how the governor should declare emergencies
    • That procedural due process was violated by the exemption process being so slow and unreliable
      • Procedural due process deals with getting a chance to tell your side. At its most extreme, a lack of it would be taking random people and executing them. As it’s usually encounter, the issue is that you’re getting screwed by the government and not given a proper chance to deal with it
      • Court found that the waiver program addressed this, and that while it would be wonderful to address everything beforehand and give everyone lots of notice there wasn’t time for that here, justifiably, and that the due process, consequently, must happen after
        • Did note that the governor’s response that no due process is needed in an emergency is very incorrect
      • That the order violates the 1st amendment right to freedom of assembly
        • Speech can be restricted if it serves a compelling government issue and is content-neutral
          • It’s ok to limit gatherings in the public park to certain times and days if there are local concerns and such, but they have to limit it for everyone or no one
          • Assembly is not being targeted as such. There’s no attempt to keep people from talking, sharing ideas, etc., just from physically being there. The physical assembly is not possible due to a compelling government interest for which there is no narrower solution, and it’s content neutral
        • PA Realtors filed an amicus curiae to the main suit (amicus curiae, meaning friend of the court, is when third parties not involved in the case itself want to give the court other things to consider and think about, commonly when someone will be affected by the outcome of the suit and want those implications known). The tone of this brief seems like it’s meant for soundbytes and is never something I would submit to a court.
          • Argues that the list is arbitrary.
            • We have concluded that it is not.
            • Argument that it’s arbitrary because it’s been changed several times but leaves real estate out of it consistently (that’s not really arbitrary)
            • Argument that the order does not conform to the federal Cybersecurity & Infrastructure Security Agency (hereinafter CISA) advisory, a list that has one paragraph simply stating “Accordingly, this list is advisory in nature. It is not, nor should it be considered to be, a federal directive or standard in and of itself” (em. In original)
              • There’s no obligation for the state government to adopt federal regulations and the advisory itself stresses that. Things like this are things that are considered when litigating an issue but are not binding
              • Says it contradicts this FAQ that was published on 4/20/20, but I can’t find anything saying that, and resting your legal case on a FAQ about an advisory that exclaims it’s just guidance is pretty shaky

So the people against the closures appealed it to SCOTUS, and SCOTUS asked the PA governor for his side of the issue. It’s not a grant of certiorari, which would say that SCOTUS hear the case, but Alito wanted to hear more.  Alito handles the appellate stuff from this jurisdiction so he addressed. The Governor’s arguments were more or less:

  • This is not how the process works
    • Alito said that the people against the closures are going about it without a proper understanding of process
    • “Applicants thus request an injunction from this Court, a rarely granted form of relief that requires them to establish that the legal rights at issue are indisputably clear. Applicants not only fail to satisfy this demanding standard, but they seem unaware that they bear any burden whatsoever”
  • This is not how appellate jurisdiction works
    • They’re asking SCOTUS to review the Pennsylvania Supreme Court’s interpretation of the Pennsylvania Constitution. That’s a state issue that was wholly decided on state laws so they don’t even have the authority to hear the case.
  • Shuts down a bunch of the arguments made that the state Supreme Court also shut down

SCOTUS decided not to hear it. So to answer your question, yes, I think that the order is constitutional.

Without resorting to violence, what can we do?

I was recently asked that question, but in a forum where the only acceptable answer was to throw up your hands, bemoaning but accepting victimization. Indeed, I was accused of “elitist lifestyleism” for suggesting there what I am about to suggest here. There is so much injustice, and so much of it delivered by system that increasingly does not respond to the needs of any but the very richest,[1]  it is easy to become overwhelmed by it and give up hope of anything ever changing. I’ve certainly felt quite a bit of that myself in the past year. But there are things that we can and should do to resist the increasingly authoritarian society that chokes us.

The first thing, which is simultaneously the easiest and the most difficult, is to talk to people. As long as people feel like they are the only ones bothered by all of this it is easy to stamp out any resistance. An increasing number of people can see and feel the injustice in our government and in our institutions but it’s still not something widely spoken about. Before Edward Snowden proved it true, you would be told to put on your tin foil hat if you thought that the government was engaged in any sort of mass surveillance program. Now you can discuss government surveillance, but it’s met with a collective shrug. People don’t know how upset to be about these things, and there’s a great human inclination to accept it because it’s easier than fighting. Well, don’t. Get angry. Get angry about being spied on, about the militarization of our police, about corporations that commit environmental atrocities with impunity, about the lack of responsiveness of our politicians, about institutions that extract value and leave people as hopeless husks drawn to opiates as all sense of forward progress is snatched out from under them. Let other people know that you are angry. We all wonder, is it just me? Am I the only one that feels this way, and should I just get over it? So many people just need to know that they aren’t alone, that it is not only reasonable to feel anger over this but imperative that they do. So the first thing that we must do is to talk to people and give this valid anger legitimacy.

The second thing is, to the extent possible, to opt out of this extractive system. The political and economic system depends on us collectively doing our part as profitable cogs in the machine. So stop being profitable. There are two main opportunities to extract profit from us: from our labor and from our purchasing decisions. The first, labor, is more difficult to deal with. A lack of job opportunities makes it difficult to have negotiating power with employers and unions have unfortunately been demonized in this country. This first I’ll leave aside, then, and discuss the second. Every time we interact with the marketplace we have an opportunity to make choices that can further the great concentration of wealth that underlies most of our systemic problems. The very worst thing that we can do is buy copious amounts of new things. If something is broken, try to repair it first. If possible, try to buy things used. These actions will help scale down the amount of money that accumulates in few hands. The idea with every purchase is to make it consciously – no impulse buys – and to make these purchasing decisions with the intent of having your money end up in as decentralized a destination as possible. Choose the independent shop over the chain, choose repair over replace, learn the supply chains involved with your choices and pick the one that benefits the most people instead of the least. Implementation of this part will obviously vary a great deal based on your circumstance. Those who can drop off the grid and make everything off of their own land are going to be in the minority, but we can all do what we can to make conscious purchasing decisions and be as unprofitable a cog as we can be.

It is said that it is good to put things in threes, so I will limit myself to just one more item. Address injustices with your local government. I’m not going to advocate for state or federal action here because, frankly, I don’t think that we can as individuals change much here nonviolently. While it’s not a useless endeavor, I’m not going to advocate for effort here unless it’s something that otherwise appeals to you. But locally, things can change. If a police officer in your town or county murders someone, their pets, or robs from them via civil asset forfeiture (or even other, less official ways), don’t stop complaining until something happens. If the city or county council contemplates approving a zoning variance so environmental concerns can be swept under the rug, yell about it to everyone who will listen. The people in your county or city government have to live near you every day of their lives and they aren’t being paid enough to not care when their neighbors call them out for these injustices. Very few people are actually manifestly evil such that they enjoy perpetuating bad situations, people, or outcomes. Mostly it’s just easier to go along with it. Some company wants to destroy wetlands but it will create jobs? Whatever, sure. Some cop shot a pedestrian who gave them a dirty look? Easier not to get involved. Make things more difficult for them, be loud, be obnoxious, and call them out for these actions, and suddenly just rolling with it isn’t the simplest option.

So, embrace this “elitist lifestyle:” talk to people about the things that are important, make conscious purchasing decisions, and take local decisionmakers to task about bad decisions. These are things that we can all do. Are they enough on their own? No. This will not change everything and fix the problems that are pressing with more and more urgency. But this will encourage a public discontent that will eventually have to be addressed, especially because as non-violent avenues of change are closed off it leads to a justified revolutionary movement. This will eat away at the easy extraction of profits from the masses. This will encourage a just local government. Our apathy and isolation make us easy targets individually but an angry and more unified front is not as easily abused.

[1] Zachary Davies Boren, Major Study Finds the US is an Oligarchy, Business Insider. http://www.businessinsider.com/major-study-finds-that-the-us-is-an-oligarchy-2014-4

Prisoner “Extraction”

Cell extraction is routine in correctional facilities, used on prisoners who have displayed threatening behavior or who have broken prison rules.[1] A prisoner is forcibly removed from their cell by a team in riot gear using Tasers, pepper spray, and stun shields.[2] While the officers wear protective gear to guard against attack, the prisoners are commonly injured – concussions and broken bones are not unusual.[3]

At Riverbend Maximum Security Institution in Tennessee, Charles Jason Toll died after a cell extraction. To facilitate shackling him, he was held to the floor with an electrified shield; during this process and for some time afterward he told the officers that he couldn’t breathe.[4] Charles suffered from diabetes and mental illness.[5] Capt. James Horton was videoed telling him that “you’re not going to be able to breathe; you wanted this.”[6] After being carried face-down for a search in the recreation yard, Charles died of “asphyxia and suffocation” from the force applied to him while in restraints.[7] His death was ruled a homicide.[8] His mother was called the next day and told that Charles had been found dead in his cell. There was no mention of the cell extraction.[9]

Many corrections experts believe that extractions are “vastly overused.”[10] In some facilities, extraction is a last resort after attempts to defuse the situation have failed, and are closely supervised when they do occur.[11] The reality is that in many places, there is little training or supervision and extractions are conducted in lieu of alternative methods.[12] Most facilities videotape extractions, but officers taking those videos have been known to point cameras away from the action when officers want to conceal what is going on.[13] The Nevada Department of Corrections directs staff that they “must begin videotaping the incident as soon as possible.”[14]

The Ideal Extraction and Deviations

A handout prepared by the Nevada Department of Corrections (hereinafter Nevada DoC) gives a good idea of how things are supposed to go in a perfect world.[15] The instructional goal of the handout is that:

The student will understand that the objective of any cell/tier extraction involving the calculated use of force is to remove the inmate from the area as soon as possible, in a controlled manner while utilizing the least amount of force necessary.[16]

The handout says that “[i]n all cases, staff must be mindful of the Use of Force Continuum and use only the least amount of force necessary to control the situation.”[17] Among the list of “musts” for cell extraction is listed the necessity of videotaping; of seeking alternative means of resolution; having authorization from a supervisor; using the least force necessary; that staff know the responsibilities of each team member; that the prisoner receives medical attention as soon as practicable; and that the officer’s involvement and actions during the incident be thoroughly documented.[18]

If alternative conflict resolution fails, Nevada DoC lists the next step of introducing a Taser of OC gas (pepper spray) into the area.[19] Among other things notes that the Taser or Nova shield (electric shield) may not be used in infirmaries, mental health units.[20] However, it seems that there are no restrictions on using these weapons on mentally ill prisoners outside of designated mental health units.

Even in the best facilities, cell extractions can be risky for both the officers involved and the prisoners. The chaos of the situation can lead to injuries. Officers have been bitten by prisoners carrying blood-borne diseases.[21] One officer had a leg badly cut during the making of a cell extraction training video.[22] The Nevada DoC lists many hazards that officers may face during the extraction: a prisoner with a weapon; obstacles placed in the way of officers, inmates starting a fire, covering the floor with water, lotion, or other substances to make the floor slippery; inmates throwing hot water and/or baby oil at the officers; inmates applying lotion to themselves to make them hard to grab.[23]

Prisoners, outnumbered and outgunned, suffer the greater risk.[24] Todd White, a prisoner at the same institution as Charles Toll, said “you feel helpless. They just come in there and beat the hell out of you and do what they want to.” Todd had his head slammed into a wall during a cell extraction, after he had been put in restraints.[25]

In some facilities, Dr. Jeffery Schwartz, a seasoned correctional consultant, said, ”staff like to do call extractions because it’s an excuse to kick the crap out of inmates.”[26] In his view only around 20% of cell extractions conducted were actually necessary.[27] The extractions can make a situation worse, with prisoners compelled to fight back to save face in front of other inmates and officers gearing up like soldiers before a battle. “Once they put on those heavy pads and the adrenaline is flowing, they want to go in.”[28]

The Use of Dogs in Extractions

Dogs can also be used in cell extractions.[29] The dogs are allowed to jump on the outside of the cell to encourage the prisoner to submit to restraints voluntarily.[30] The dog is allowed into the cell on a leash; while the dog handler is supposed to maintain control of the dog as it attacks, but that is not always what happens.[31] One prisoner in Connecticut stated that “[t]he dog was barking uncontrollably and jumping up and out towards me. The K-9 officers released the dog leash, and the dog, a German Shepherd, charged me.”[32]

The dogs are trained to bite whatever they can. An Iowa corrections official stated “[the dogs are] taught a . . . full-mouth bite. The dog opens his mouth real wide and get as much as [he can] whether it’s a thigh or whatever in his mouth.”[33] As the prisoner attempts to fend off the dog, officers place the restraints.[34] At some point, the dog is called off.[35] Having personally been attacked by a German Shepherd I can attest that it is rather terrifying to have a dog that big jump on you; 10 years later I still bear the scars.

A different and even more disturbing practice was used by the Arizona Department of Corrections. The dog handler would stay outside the cell and send the dog in on a 30-foot leash.[36] After the dog bites the prisoner, the officers pull on the leash and drag both the dog and the prisoner – gripped by the dog’s powerful jaws – out of the cell.[37] Thankfully, Arizona placed a moratorium on the use of dogs in extractions as of March 29, 2006.[38]

Prisoners are almost always injured when dogs are involved in the extraction.[39] Usually it is “just” a puncture wound, but if the prisoner pulls back there can be muscle or tissue tearing.[40] My wound was “just” a puncture wound, but I had nerve problems in my hand for about a year and a half later as scar tissue aggravated the nerve; I still get aching pains from the area on occasion. Even a puncture wound can lead to problems that extend far past the injury’s treatment.

Prisoners have also experienced long-term problems. One Connecticut prisoner recalled the dog biting completely through his hand. This led to a loss of feeling in the middle and ring fingers and a “pins and needles” feeling in the index finger and thumb.[41] The dog had severed multiple nerves. This type of injury will never go away.

Thankfully, many corrections departments do not condone the use of dogs in extractions.[42]In 2006, Commissioner of the Massachusetts Department of Correction Kathleen Dennehy moved away from using dogs in extractions because “[t]here are other ways to compel inmates to cuff up than sending in an animal to rip his flesh.”[43] The dogs have, however, proven useful in situations to compel a prisoner to comply voluntarily through fear of confrontation with the dog. An Iowa official believed that after dogs were brought in, the incidence of forced cell removals dropped dramatically.[44]

The summary of a survey on the use of dogs in cell extractions was performed by the Association of State Correctional Administrators. While somewhat out of date, it does include many data points in one place.

Mental Illness and Disproportionate Targeting

Prisoners with mental illness are disproportionately targeted.[45] Mentally ill inmates are more likely to exhibit behavior that officers see as defiance. As mental hospitals have been shut down across the country, institutions hold more and more of the nation’s severely mentally ill. In Oklahoma, a third of inmates show signs of mental illness.[46] Jailers receive training for how to deal with mentally ill inmates, but they are not mental health professionals.[47]

One inmate in California was videoed being pepper sprayed repeatedly, and had delusions that the guards were intent on raping him.[48] Officers ordered him to back up and put his hands through the ports for handcuffing, reinforcing the prisoner’s fears.[49] The officers introduce more chaos and fear through their brute force methods and habits of yelling at and insulting the prisoners.

California was venue to perhaps one of the largest lawsuits regarding the extraction of the mentally ill. One of the prisoners who brought the suit was Jermaine Padilla. He had been deteriorating mentally and was convinced he heard voices, including that of President Barack Obama.[50] The incident was videotaped, but was not performed well. The intervention – the attempt to use alternative means to resolve the situation – lasted 32 seconds, surely not enough time to actually hope to connect with Jermaine.[51] Prison psychiatric teams had noted that “he expressed paranoia, appeared psychotic, delusional, and illogical.”[52] The extraction team consisted of at least seven officers and a gurney.[53] To Jermaine, this seemed like a nightmare, and believed that the extraction team intended to take him somewhere to harvest his organs or turn him into a cyborg.[54] Jermaine had no idea what these people wanted from him. In about two minutes, the officers had sprayed pepper spray into his meal slot while he screamed in pain.[55] In the next six and a half minutes he was sprayed six times again.[56] Even the captain overseeing the extraction made a note that Jermain “was clearly not capable of submitting to handcuffs due to his mental state.”[57] Eventually the cell was rushed, forcing Jermain’s to the ground and dragging him, naked, across the floor before putting him in restraints.[58] Jermaine’s lawsuit alleged that even though he was crying for help, no one attempted to de-escalate, and that this incident exacerbated his mental illness.[59]

Videos from California showed officers in state prisons dousing mentally ill prisoners with large amounts of pepper spray before extracting them.[60] Hon. Lawrence K. Karlton, a federal district judge, ordered the release of the videos and called them “horrific.”[61] Along with releasing the videos, the judge also found that the use of force against mentally ill prisoners was unconstitutionally harsh.[62] He ordered state officials to revisit the use-of-force policies used against the state’s 33,000 mentally ill prisoners.

In Nevada, Administrative Regulation 405 “prohibits the use of the Taser or Nova shield in infirmaries or mental health units.[63] With so many prisoners suffering from mental health issues, the legal premise for separating “mental health units” would, at least rationally, extend to other mentally ill prisoners. If the regulation was developed mostly to protect other mentally ill prisoners from seeing such an extraction, that so many prisoners are mentally ill the regulation should, in spirit though not in practice, apply to any place where there are mentally ill prisoners that can observe the extraction.

Dogs are used on the mentally ill in cell extractions in Connecticut.[64] A Department of Corrections employee said that “[t]here is too much potential for things to go wrong because you cannot assume someone who is mentally ill will act in a rational manner.”[65] The Department’s public affairs office, however, said that dogs may be used on mentally ill prisoners after a “direct mental health intervention has failed and the inmate is considered to be a threat to staff or his/her self.”[66] The incongruence of using a dog that will almost certainly harm a prisoner on a prisoner deemed a threat to him/herself reminds me of the police officers that end up shooting people who are contemplating suicide.

In Iowa, however, dogs will not be used for extractions of mentally ill prisoners.[67] In an interview with Human Rights Watch, the acting warden of Anamosa State Penitentiary, John Fayram, said “. . . when we’re aware a person has a history of mental illness, canines don’t get used in that situation . . . We don’t want to aggravate a situation, if the person acting out isn’t going to comprehend the meaningfulness of the dogs present (sic).”[68] Though the use of dogs at all is at best a questionable practice it is at least good that some corrections officers recognize that the perceptions of the mentally ill may not be the same as expected in other individuals.

Cell Extraction as Retribution

Steve J. Martin, a lawyer, corrections consultant, and expert on the use of force in correctional facilities, said “[cell extraction] can move from a proper tactical exercise to a punitive and retaliatory exercise.”[69]

In December 2012, two mentally ill inmates were forcibly extracted from their cells, taken to a clinic, and beaten in front of medical staff.[70] An investigation by the New York City Department of Investigation concluded that the officers had assaulted both inmates “to punish and/or retaliate against the inmates for throwing urine on them and for their overall refusal to comply with earlier search procedures.”[71] Based on statements from inmates and clinic staff:

A Captain and multiple officers took turns punching the inmates . . . while they were restrained. One clinician reported that . . . one inmate [was] punched in the head while handcuffed to the gurney for . . . five minutes. . . . A Captain later approached a senior [mental health] official and stated, in substance, that it was good the clinical staff were present ‘so that they could witness and corroborate the inmates banging their own heads into the wall. The correction officers’ reports did not refer to any use of force . . . stating “The inmate was escorted to the clinic without further incident or force used. . . . One of the inmates told our consultant that he was still spitting up blood . . . more than a month later.”[72]

At the Charlotte Correctional Institution in Florida Kelly Bradley, who suffered from schizophrenia, was cowering under a blanket in the corner of his cell when five officers in riot gear stormed the cell and jumped on him. They pinned him face-down on the floor. As they cuffed Kelly, Office William Hamilton Wilson dug his finger repeatedly into Kelly’s eye until he ripped out his right eyeball. As they took him from the cell, his eye dangled from the optic nerve, hanging on his cheek.[73]

The Nevada Department of Corrections makes special note that “[u]nder no circumstances will any type of restraint or Use of Force be used as a means of punishment.”[74] Along with that note is mentioned that the “8th Amendment to the United States Constitution prohibits cruel and unusual punishment.”[75] The Nevada DoC requires that, once the restraints are applied, that “CUFFS ON” should be announced loudly.[76] In this incident, one officer had repeatedly announced that the restraints had been applied while the gouging nevertheless continued.[77]

The Danger for Whistleblowers

It is also difficult for officers who see what is being done and find it disturbing. The Blue Code of Silence encourages and intimidates them to remain quiet or risk losing their jobs and/or being subject to harassment by the other guards themselves.

In the case of Charles Toll, the internal-affairs investigators at the prisons said that Charles’ death was “in no way caused by the actions of staff.”[78] However, corrections consultant and former warden Ron McAndrew, an expert witness in the case, said “it was the most incompetent investigation I’ve ever seen.”[79] One officer, William Amonette, quit his job in part because of the incident.[80] In his resignation letter, the officer said that he had been treated badly “ever since I asked questions in your office about the witnesses in the Charles Toll case that were not spoken to by Internal Affairs . . . I cannot work somewhere where asking questions or trying to do what is right is punished.”[81]

In Kelly Bradly’s case, the extraction team was questioned by the commander, Captain Scott Anderson, about what happened.[82] None of the officers admitted anything; officially, it seemed that no one saw or heard anything.[83] The Captain told the officers to write a report that left out the injury.[84] A similar incident at the same facility left inmate Matthew Walker dead with a crushed larynx and head bashed in.[85] Similarly, no officer admitted to what happened and once the gear was washed of blood, there was no evidence.[86] This lack of evidence was problematic for the grand jury and led to criminal charges against the officers being dropped.[87]

One member of the team that extracted Kelly, however, told his coworkers that he couldn’t go along with it.[88] Officer John Pisciotta had the courage to go up against the standard procedure of feigning ignorance. William, the officer who gouged out Kelly’s eye, responded by saying “c’mon, he’s just a fucking nigger.”[89] The Captain told the officers involved not to mention Kelly’s injury in the reports.[90] After filling out reports, he looked at John, who was visibly upset, and said “Are you OK? You’re making us all nervous here.”[91]

John broke the blue wall of silence.[92] “I knew that it was morally wrong,” he said.[93] After John told the truth, the officer that stabbed out Kelly’s eye was arrested.[94] After testifying about the truth of the incident, John was fired.[95] He told the jury during the 2009 trial: “I knew once I did the right thing, and I stepped forward . . . my career would be over. It’s something you don’t do. You don’t go against other officers. Because my life has been a living hell ever since.”[96]

Other officers shunned John and intimidated him.[97] A union representative told him that “It’s going to be rough for you now.”[98] After William Wilson’s arrest, the arrest affidavit was emailed to 19 officers; the affidavit described John’s role as a witness.[99] Shortly thereafter, “Coward” was spray-painted onto the side of his home, his car’s fender was damaged, and his transmission wires were cut.[100]

William was convicted of civil rights violation and served only five years.[101] The captain involved was promoted to colonel.[102] This April the warden of the facility where Matthew and Kelly were assaulted, Tom Reid, was given the “Secretary’s Leadership Award” by Florida Prisons Secretary Julie Jones.[103] The award is meant to recognize a warden who “consistently exemplifies the department’s values.”[104]

John Pisciotta’s attorney, Bill Amlong, said “Generally, corporate culture does not start at the loading docks and seep up. For this stuff to be going on, there must be a tolerance for it at the top that seeps down. I’m not exactly sure how you break that.”[105] John had seen William’s aggressive behavior on the day of Kelly’s extraction and even asked his bosses not to let William participate.[106] The Captain told him that William would do fine. John said “he was a big boy and he took care of what they wanted taken care of. He was part of the good ol’ boy crew that did things the way they wanted.”[107]

Sources below the cut.

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Wall Street Wins in the Spending Bill

In the aftermath of the 2008 financial collapse, Congress passed the Dodd-Frank Act to help prevent the problems and the bailouts that led to the Great Recession. [1] One of the provisions targeted swaps and is being undone by the current spending bill.[2] A swap is a derivative – a transaction that is based on the performance of an underlying entity – and is used to manage cash flows, hedging risks, and betting on the future performance of the entities underlying the transaction.[3] Credit default swaps are meant to hedge risks as the seller of the CDS compensates the buyer if a loan defaults or other specified credit events.[4] CDSs were involved in the 2008 collapse:

Many CDSs were sold as insurance to cover those exotic financial instruments that created and spread the subprime housing crisis . . . As those mortgage-backed securities and collateralized debt obligations became nearly worthless, suddenly that seemingly low-risk event-an actual bond default-was happening daily. The banks and hedge funds selling CDSs were no longer taking in free cash; they were having to pay out big money.[5]

The Dodd-Frank Act prohibits a depositary institution insured by the FDIC from engaging in certain types of swaps.[6] This is to prevent Federal money from bailing out a bank that undid itself through swaps trading. Without this in place, depository banks will be able to trade swaps while having the benefit of FDIC insurance if things go awry. Basically, the banks keep any profits while the public insures against crippling losses.[7] Without personal responsibility for swaps mistakes, banks could be much more relaxed about making reckless bets.[8]

Banks that will benefit from the FDIC-provided safety net include J.P. Morgan Chase and Citigroup. They have been lobbying Congress extensively for this provision.[9] As this spending bill was a must-pass in order to keep the federal government operational, “it becomes a feeding frenzy to make sure your client’s provision is inserted in the only train leaving the Capitol Hill station.”[10] This provision was not included on its own merits but because Congress was lobbied heavily. Jamie Dimon, CEO of J.P. Morgan Chase, personally called lawmakers to encourage its passage,[11] a move that seems to be banking on a personal relationship to achieve corporate goals through public legislation.

The changes to the provision were written by Michael Bopp, an attorney at law firm Gibson Dunn, which counts many large banks as its clients, including Citigroup.[12] Gibson Dunn’s website details that “Mr. Bopp engages in high-level, strategic policy and related regulatory work” and was named one of the 100 most influential people in finance by Treasury and Risk magazine.[13] Out of the 85-line bill, 70 lines were taken from Citigroup’s draft.[14] The bill was introduced in 2013 and had been shelved until its late addition to the spending bill.[15]

All of this has been such a blatant display of the legislators abusing their lawmaking power for their own gain. While no one in the United States would likely be surprised the close relationship of banks and legislatures the corruption is still appalling. If incumbents were removed from office more often there would be less time for banks and other big money interests to develop a personal, financial relationship with lawmakers, but sadly voter disinterest and especially gerrymandering protect the incumbents and perpetuate their terrible preference for big money’s benefits.

Sources Below the Cut

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